Transfascism or post-humanism?

On Saturday, March 25 this year, 2000 transactivists surrounded and invaded the Band Rotunda at Albert Park, Auckland and violently ended a ‘Let Women Speak’ meeting organised by Posie Parker.  The trans rights movement, with its allies the state, unions and media, had been hyping up a defamation campaign that Parker was a fascist to justify an attack. There are many independent factual rebuttals of any support by Parker for any fascist individuals or movements.

Any association with conservative figures is incidental to her cause of defending women and children. The conservative right has an interest in opposing trans (and gays and lesbians) because it wants to shore up the bastion of the patriarchy in family, church and state. Though fascists may oppose trans, they do not support women except as an oppressed sex-class in the patriarchal family. Women as a sex-class can stop trans attack only by organising to smash the patriarchy, both of the right and left. The trans riot which invaded the Auckland rally with fascist-like violence backfired because it gave the new women’s right movement new impetus to fight the fascism smear.

Why would trans activists attempt to smear Parker and incite a riot to stop her and other women speaking? The short answer is that the liberal left embraces the postmodern manifestation of the patriarchy to finish off the job of enslaving women to exploit their labour and their bodies. Enslaving women starts with shutting them up politically, dividing them from their male allies in the labour movement, and ends with replacing their bodies with synthetic reproduction technology.

The liberal left comprises a petty bourgeois coalition made up of labour bureaucrats, union officials, government politicians, state employees and other quasi-state groups whose employment is dependent on state funding as is true of NGOs like the National Council of Women, and trans organisations like Pride. Collectively they are all dependent upon funding and support from the bourgeois state to enact the ‘rights’ legislation that allows them to legally live off the working class.

There is nothing ‘left’ about these liberals let alone socialist or Marxist. It is a fake left that serves the state and its corporate bosses. Like the Nazis who tried to appeal to declassed workers, the fake left uses them as ‘shock troops’ against militants to smash any threat of workers revolution. Trans activism has some aspects of fascism – it serves a corporate state; forms violent street gangs; targets oppressed minorities – but not all. The state is legitimated by bourgeois democracy passing laws that validate trans rights at the expense of women. There is no revolutionary crisis and threatened overthrow of the state.  Yet capitalism’s terminal crisis will provoke such conditions, so the trans activists attack on working women today prepares the ground for the inevitable fascist coup.

That’s why capitalism uses the patriarchy to wage a war on women and disorganise the revolution. Over the past century there has been a gradual weakening of the bourgeois family as the buttress of women’s oppression. Today it can no longer contain the contradiction between women who defend nature, against capital that destroys nature.  It needs a new rebranded patriarchy in the 21st century. Not the restoration of the family but its dissolution. It seeks to destroy all resistance to patriarchal capitalism, de-humanising women as the historic sex-class,  seizing control over their bodies, and consequently, human reproduction.

So, while we do not yet face trans fascism, we face something potentially worse – post-humanism – the systematic wiping out of women as a sex-class that has fought for humanity against the patriarchy for around 40,000 years. The trans activism we face today redefines mothers as others, and invades their spaces to snatch their bodies and body parts. Control of their reproductive power is appropriated by men in a post-human dystopia.

The violent occupation of the Band Rotunda in Auckland on March 25 2023 teaches us that working women and men must organise their self-defence to keep alive women’s historic fight to overthrow patriarchal capitalism and build a new commune that rescues civilisation from extinction.